Modern Belize: Development Among the Descendants of the Ancient Maya

Posted on June 10, 2012 by dkillam

It has been a most eye-opening, inspiring, and rewarding experience to visit Belize. For many of us, this was the first time visiting this beautiful and diverse country in Central America.

Prior to the trip, we had had a week of coursework on campus and learned about the history, climate, and geography of Belize. But seeing the land and its archaeological sites in person, and interacting face-to-face with people from various cultural backgrounds provided us with a far deeper and richer understanding than any coursework could have.

Belize entered into the rainy season right before we arrived. This is a view of the lush country from the airplane. Photo by Juliana Wang

We flew into Belize City (point A), took the bus through the capital city of Belmopan (point B) and Dangriga, and arrived at Sun Creek Lodge, located in the thick of the jungle near Punta Gorda (point C). We soon got acquainted with our surroundings and some of us over time even made some new friends — moths, spiders, leaf-cutter ants, frogs, and tarantulas.

As an economist interested in the relationship between the environment and development, I was naturally drawn to the transportation system of the country. Although it was not part of the official curriculum, we did learn quite a bit about the roads and the modes of transportation in Belize on this trip.

Three major highways (the Western Highway, the Hummingbird Highway, and the Southern Highway) connect Belize City to the Toledo district in the south. The Southern Highway was the last one to be paved, significantly reducing the time needed to travel to the south. As in many other developing regions, paved roads have provided easier access, both for traders to transport local agricultural products such as cacao and citrus, and for tourists to visit this culturally rich and environmentally diverse region.

On the first morning at Sun Creek Lodge, Bruno Kuppinger gives an overview of the country over breakfast. Note our diligent teaching assistant Dan behind the map. Photo by Juliana Wang.

Currently, the government of Belize is working to extend the paved highway from the village of Big Falls, where we had many evening discussions with Dr. Prufer and his students, past Santa Cruz, the Mayan village where we spent two days volunteering at a primary school, all the way to the Guatemalan border. The cost of the project is estimated to be BZ$48 million, funded through a loan offered by the Kuwait Fund for the Arab Economic Development, the OPEC Fund for the International Development, and the Central American Bank for the Economic Integration (CABEI).

Roadwork on the way from Big Falls to Santa Cruz Village. Once the upgrade is completed, the road will provide easier access to the region and more opportunities for commerce and trade with Guatemala. Photo by Juliana Wang.

Although many families we came to know in Toledo have their own cars or motorcycles, the cost of owning motor vehicles is still relatively high, especially given the per capita income. For example, in Toledo in May 2012, the price for regular gas was BZ$11.58 (about US$5.79) per gallon, and the price for premium gas was BZ$12.43 (about US$ 6.22) per gallon. During the same time period, gas prices in the United States ranged from US$3.66 to US$4.22 per gallon.  Bear in mind that the per capita GDP in Belize is less than 1/10 of the United States!

Gas prices at King’s Gas Station near Big Falls village in May 2012. Photo by Juliana Wang.

For most families, bus service is still the preferred method of transportation if they need to move from one city to another. The service by James Bus Line is reliable and economical.  For example, it only cost me BZ$18 (US$9) to travel 6 hours from Belmopan to Punta Gorda. Their service from Belize City starts as early as 6:00am in the morning daily. But since the buses do make frequent stops, the travel time is usually extended from 4 hours to 6 hours. The Hummingbird Highway is hilly and scenic and winds through several national parks. The southern highway cuts through pine forests, grasslands, banana farms, and citrus groves. Occasionally, we saw billboards with political ads leftover from their most recent election back in March.

James Bus Line

Given the importance of the bus service in people’s lives in Belize, it has also taken on a more significant role than a means of transportation. Buses have become a place for food vendors to sell their products. Throughout my 6-hour trip, vendors from various villages got onto the bus at different points to sell tortillas and cakes to hungry passengers. The conductors on the buses also seem to have taken on an additional role to provide delivery services from one place to another. At one time, I saw a conductor delivering goods from Dangriga for a Mayan family in a nearby village. Our guide Manuel told me that sometimes the domestic airlines also provide delivery services for a small fee. For example, it only takes about US$5 to order Indian food from Belize City to be express-delivered to Punta Gorda, some 160 miles away.

Although the Toledo district stands to benefit from all the development in recent years and the planned projects such as the road project extending to the Belize/Guatemala border, there have been concerns over whether the development will really benefit the local villagers. Many non-governmental organizations have been formed with a mission to promote sustainable development. For example, the Toledo Cacao Growers Association (TCGA) has been formed since the mid-1980s to promote the welfare of local cacao farmers through fair trade. The Toledo Institute of Environment and Development (TIDE), one of the four Belizean beneficiaries of the Debt-for-Nature swap and the only one focusing on the Toledo district, aims to promote resource management and sustainable use of ecosystems within the Maya Mountain Marine Corridor.

Many local residents have also become more active in letting their voice heard in the policy decision process. For example, Mr. Alvin Alvin Laredo, our guide in the Garinagu village of Barranco, has been leading the villagers to be part of the conservation effort while maintaining their cultural tradition of harvesting non-timber forest products for medicinal purposes. The community around the Uxbenká archaeological site also has decided to elect a chairman every two years to make decisions concerning the community welfare. Mr. Jose Mes, our guide to Yok Balum cave, is actually the current chairman from the nearby Mayan village of Santa Cruz.

Hopefully, the efforts of these local leaders and organizations will enable the people of Toledo of all cultural backgrounds to thrive on their abundant natural resources and maintain their rich heritage.

An agronomic calendar on the wall in the Punta Gorda office of the Toledo Cacao Growers Association (TCGA). Photo by Juliana Wang.

[1] http://www.belize.gov.bz/

[2] http://205.254.135.7/dnav/pet/pet_pri_gnd_dcus_nus_w.htm

[3] For example, the per capita GDP in Belize in 2010 was only US$4,061, whereas it was US$47,153 in the United States. http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/NY.GDP.PCAP.CD

Dr. Juliana Wang (Ph.D. Environmental and Natural Resource Economics) is an Assistant Professor of Practice at the Environmental Studies Program and supervisor for the field portion of the course. She is from Mainland China and focuses on the water and energy systems in her research.

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Over the River and Through the Cave: Our Journey to Yok Balum

Posted on June 4, 2012 by dkillam

Entrance to Yok Balum Cave. Photo by Lindsey Estes.

Ever since our group first received our trip itineraries, we knew that we would be hiking through the jungle to Yok Balum Cave for our last day in Toledo. Adding to the excitement, we would also be entering the cave itself; we were even required to bring helmets and headlamps along. What could be more thrilling than checking out some amazing cave formations while trying to avoid hitting your head on one? Even though we were told to expect a pretty rigorous hike up to the cave, I was up for the challenge. When the day finally arrived, though, I was hit with the reality of enduring the toughest and most rewarding hike I have ever experienced.

On the day of the hike, we started early so we could get up to the cave during the cooler part of the day. After rounding up our helmets, hiking boots, and plenty of DEET, we jumped in our van and headed to the village of Santa Cruz, the same place where we had been a few days before to do our service learning. The trail to Yok Balum started just beyond the schools soccer field. Then, after meeting the two Maya guides that would be leading us up the trail, we set off towards the cave. After hiking for about an hour and a half, which included crossing the Rio Grande and a pretty steep climb up to the actual entrance of the cave, we had reached our destination. We were greeted at the cave entrance by a really interesting formation that looked like a jaguar paw, which, as our guides told us, is what Yok Balum translates to in the local Maya dialect. Then, our guides did a final check on our helmets and headlamps, and we entered the cave.

Stalactite formations in Yok Balum.

Inside the cave was breathtaking. We saw stalagmites, stalactites, and countless other formations that looked like they came from another planet. The same formations that were so beautiful to look at also turned out to be pretty useful hand holds during our hike and climb through the cave. About halfway through the cave, we found places to sit down, and our guides had us turn off our headlamps; we were plunged into complete darkness. This almost surreal experience helped me to understand why the Mayans viewed caves like Yok Balum as such sacred places. We spent a few more minutes in the dark before turning back on our headlamps and proceeding through the cave, now joined by the bats that inhabited the cave. After spending about an hour in the cave, we emerged back into the jungle and made our way back down the trail.

Looking back, this hike was definitely one of the highlights of my experience in Belize. Between the uniquely challenging hike through the jungle and the amazing sites within the cave, I don’t think I will ever forget my Yok Balum experience. I also think that sharing this journey brought our class a lot closer together; on a related note, I would like to send a special thank you to everyone that motivated me when the going got tough during those last few hills. Relatively few people get the change to traverse this spectacular cave, and having the opportunity to do so increased my appreciation for my unforgettable Belize experience.

Lindsey and Sydney take a break from cave hiking.

Lindsey Estes is a junior from Federal Way, Washington. She is currently pursuing a B.A. in Environmental Studies with a minor in Political Science.

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Water bonds more than just molecules!

Posted on June 2, 2012 by dkillam

The Blue Creek Cave is arguably one of the largest underground cave systems in the world. The creek runs through a cave that is more than five miles in length and is located in the Blue Creek village within the Toledo District of Southern Belize. Geologically speaking, the creek derives from an underground source that slowly made its way through limestone boulders, which created the cave’s configuration. After years and years of existence, stunning calcium carbonate formations, otherwise known as stalagmites and stalactites, line the walls.

Location of Blue Creek Cave in the Toledo District of Southern Belize.

Blue Creek plays an essential role in the local community as it serves as a fresh water resource for nearby residents. Archaeologists also find the cave significant because they have recovered several ancient Mayan ceramics and other artifacts from inside. Tourists, on the other hand, including myself and my classmates, take interest in the Blue Creek Cave for the caving experience.

On Friday afternoon, we drove over to Blue Creek village to begin our caving adventure.

Before arriving at Blue Creek village, my classmates and I were expecting a ‘mild’ trek to the cave and an ‘easy-going’ swim through it. However, we actually experienced the complete opposite…

First of all, the trail to the cave’s entrance was not as clear-cut as we were anticipating. The latter half of the hike involved quite a bit of rock climbing as well as crossings over slippery stones and stretches of creek water. Needless to say, we were already soaked and muddy before even reaching the mouth of the cave. After about 40 minutes of strenuous trekking we finally arrived at the cave’s opening. There, we stripped down to our bathing suits and strapped on some lifejackets and cave helmets.

Upcoming senior, Lindsey Estes, and author at the start of their Blue Creek Cave adventure. Photo courtesy of Ticia Lee

Our guides, Manuel and Rosalio (also our designated van driver), jumped into the waters and led us into the darkness. After all, only the first 15 or so feet of the cave are exposed to outer elements such as natural sunlight. As we journeyed further into the pitch-black cave with our trusty headlamps, we noticed that the flow of the creek was quickly picking up. What had begun as a stroll through a lazy river stream suddenly turned into a challenging struggle through rapid currents. As we zigzagged through the cave in the opposite direction of the current’s flow, we relied on one another for strength and support. I remember that at some points, my entire body was horizontal to the water’s surface while I was hanging on to the edge of slimy limestone for my life.

In between our attempts to catch our breath, we marveled at areas that displayed embedded stalagmites and stalactites. They were quite a sight to see especially because I never expected to find such unique structures in a place that never sees broad daylight. These stalagmites and stalactites form when water drops accumulate and deposit calcium salts. The difference between the two types of calcium carbonate formations is that the stalagmites rise from the floor of the cave while the stalactites hang from the roof of the cave.

A glimpse at some of the calcium carbonate formations spotted in the cave. Photo by Ticia Lee.

We slowly made progress as we proceeded to struggle pass the strong currents, gripping onto slippery limestone and propelling ourselves across the rapids as fast as we could. After reaching the second of five waterfalls, it was finally time to head back. As you can imagine, the trip back was nothing like the trip there. When we were ready, we let go of the walls and effortlessly drifted back to the opening of the cave.

By the time we reached the mouth of the cave, over an hour had passed. All of us were relieved to see some sunlight and to step onto stable land.

The experience as a whole was truly a bonding one because it not only tested our trust in our guides but also our trust in each other. If it were not for some of my classmates’ and both of our guides’ help, the powerful currents could have violently swept me back down the creek before finishing the tour. Looking back on that day now, I think we all can have some good laughs about how ridiculous our struggles were. It was one of those unforgettable stories that I will always retell to my family and friends back home.

Ticia Lee is a sophomore majoring in Public Relations and minoring in Environmental Studies. Upon graduation, she hopes to work for a company that effectively communicates environmental awareness to the general public. Being a city girl from San Francisco, Ticia enjoys spending time in the great outdoors as much as she can. This is her second time participating in one of USC Dornsife’s Problems Without Passport programs.

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“Sustainable Development” in Mayan Education

Posted on May 30, 2012 by dkillam

Students of Standards V and VI at Santa Cruz RC School. Photo by Dan Killam.

Having already spent a day with the kids at Santa Cruz Roman Catholic School, we returned to the school on Thursday with a heightened sense of confidence in our teaching abilities. As it were, the principal had requested that Britanny and I come prepared to spend the second day teaching our group of students about synonyms and antonyms. So, with a lesson plan already in mind, we walked into the classroom again on Thursday morning, ready to give the students of Standards V and VI an English lesson.

Yet, for all the planning that we had done, Belize’s characteristic unpredictability prevailed once again as our lesson was interrupted only a few minutes after it had begun. I was in the middle of writing examples of synonyms on the chalkboard when a tall, stocky woman in a traditional Mayan dress proudly marched into the classroom, followed by a shorter Mayan man who was struggling with a pile of projector equipment. Recognizing that she had interrupted a lesson, the woman unapologetically introduced herself to Britanny and me as a representative from a nearby secondary school and explained that she had come to talk to the children about furthering their education. Trading shrugs, Britanny and I told them to go ahead and set up for their presentation; synonyms could wait until the afternoon. So we pulled up two chairs in the back of the classroom, and we turned the floor over to our visitors from the Tumul K’in Center of Learning.

Tumul K'in front sign. Photo by Dan Killam

Now, I didn’t recognize it at first, but this interruption could not have been more opportune for Britanny and me as students of Mayan culture. For while it may seem that we were simply watching the Standard V and VI students learn about the advantages of attending secondary school, in a larger sense we were also witnessing Mayan cultural preservation in action. As the projected slideshow explained, the mission of the Tumul K’in Center of Learning is two-pronged. On one hand, the secondary school seeks to advance the modern Maya by providing an affordable secondary education to Mayan children with the hope that they will, as a result, be better equipped to promote socioeconomic development among their struggling people. But at the same time, Tumul K’in seeks to preserve Mayan culture by founding its curriculum upon traditional Mayan principles and practices. To understand how this two-part focus is put into action, take as an example Agricultural Science and Production, one of the two educational emphases at Tumul K’in. Students of Agricultural Science and Production spend time learning about modern agricultural practices throughout the world so that they can one day bring innovation back to their native villages and effect agricultural development. Yet in the same curriculum, significant time is devoted to teaching students about the fundamental role that agriculture has played in Mayan culture both historically and today. Thus, students of Agricultural Science and Production are trained to promote the development of modern Mayan agriculture, but in a way that remains loyal to traditional Mayan principles.

In this way, explained the presenter, the Tumul K’in Center of Learning seeks to practice a “sustainable development identity.” As a student of environmental studies, I find this diction particularly interesting insofar as it departs from the typical environmental context of sustainable development. For while “development” in this usage still connotes societal development, “sustainable” does not refer to natural resources but cultural resources. Therefore, the sustainable development identity of Tumul K’in aims to increase Mayan prosperity without sacrificing Mayan tradition, and it was precisely this ideal that the woman was attempting to communicate to the children of Santa Cruz on Thursday morning. Needless to say, synonyms seemed relatively insignificant by the end of the presentation.

Sean Drake is a sophomore from Cincinnati, Ohio. As a double-major in Classics and Environmental Studies, his main interest is the intersection of ancient civilizations and the environment. As a result, he is interested in the link between the native Maya and their homeland. On the side, Sean loves to scuba dive as well as run as captain on the USC Marathon Team. He hopes to one day pursue a career in coastal management.

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Seismic data as a record of past erosion

Posted on May 28, 2012 by dkillam

Sediment layers are a useful tool for reconstructing ancient land use. They act as a record of soil movement and deposition, from which human activities may be inferred. In a 2007 study of ancient Maya deforestation, Anselmetti et al. use seismic and sediment core data from Lake Salpetén to quantify changes in soil erosion rate, which then tell us about Maya deforestation.

Lake Salpetén is a closed-drain basin located in northern Guatemala. It has an area of 2.55 km2 and is surrounded by a catchment area of 3.81 km2. A catchment is where surface water from rain and melting snow converges at a single place, creating a sink. Because Lake Salpetén is a simple source-to-sink system with no permanent inflows or outflows, its sediment deposits are a good indicator of erosion and runoff into the basin over time. This study compares erosion processes with archaeological estimates of Maya population at various time intervals, to interesting results.

A unique feature of the study is its use of a seismic reflection survey to construct a geophysical map of sediment architecture throughout the entire basin. This is much more accurate than sediment cores, which can only provide a few small, localized samples that may not be indicative of overall conditions. Sediment cores were, however, used in conjunction with radiocarbon dating to match sediment layers with specified time intervals. They were also tested for total organic carbon (TOC), which indicates the concentration of organic matter within the sediment layers. It is assumed that organic matter originates in the lake while inorganic matter (such as carbonate and clays) is debris that has been washed into the lake, and this assumption has proven to be mostly true. Using differences in TOC values, sediments were divided into 4 lithologic units which display sharp contrasts in organic matter content.

L4, the lowermost unit is composed of lacustrine sediments (native to lake) even though organic content is low since it’s from the bottom of the lake. L3 and L1 feature dark-colored sediments, known as gyttja, that are rich in organic material and also native to the lake. Sandwiched between them is L2, a thick layer of mostly inorganic deposit known as Maya Clay. Maya Clay is composed of fine-grained clays that are linked to eroded soil and deforestation of the watershed by humans.

Seismic data displaying 7 units of layered sediment

Seismic data revealed a 10 meter profile of regularly layered sediments, which was divided into 7 seismic units and correlated to the lithographic units from the sediment core. L1 corresponds to S1, L2 corresponds to S2 through S5 (Maya Clay), and L3 corresponds to S6. The authors estimated the volume of each deposit according to thickness and seismic lines, and then calculated the dry volume using known values of grain density and average porosity for gyttja and clay. Finally, the dates determined from radiocarbon analysis were applied to units S1-S6, which made it possible to then calculate the average sedimentation rate per year for each unit and therefore the rate at which the watershed was eroding.

What they found:

  • Before 2200 B.C., when pre-Maya gyttja was being deposited, erosion rates were low across the basin. After 2200 B.C., erosion rates consistently increased, with a period of intense erosion from the early Preclassic to the late Preclassic period.
  • During the Classic period, when Maya population reached peak numbers, erosion rates drop but remain relatively high compared to pre-Maya rates—average erosion rate for the entire Maya Clay unit (a period of 3,100 years) is about 22 times the baseline rate from before Maya occupation.
  • After A.D. 1000, by which the Maya collapse was mostly complete, soil erosion rates decrease dramatically.

These results show that erosion rates and population density did not peak simultaneously, but that the highest occurrence of erosion happened before the population reached its maximum. This lag suggests that even small disturbances have big impacts, and that by the time human disturbance reaches a noticeable scale it is likely that damage has already been done. About 71% of total soil loss occurred prior to the Classic period, and almost all the soil in the surrounding catchment area ended up in the lake by the end of the Classic period. After the Maya collapse, catchment soil recovered partially.

Soil erosion rates were also compared with pollen in sediment cores, an indication of changes in vegetation. High forest plants are considered to be natural to the environment, while weeds and grasses are categorized as disturbance taxa. Increases in disturbance taxa coincide with times of increased erosion rates—both peaking during the Late Preclassic period—which suggests a causal link between deforestation and soil loss. Even though erosion rates decrease in the Classic period, the amount of pollen from disturbance taxa remains high, showing that the Maya were still clearing land of forests. However, this too decreases after A.D. 1000.

Source: Anselmetti, Flavio S. et al. “Quantification of Soil Erosion Rates Related to Ancient Maya Deforestation.” Geology October (2007): 915-18. Print.

Michelle Lim is a rising senior from Queens, NY, currently double-majoring in Narrative Studies and Interdisciplinary Archaeology at USC. She is interested in the cultural systems, thoughts, and stories of the (near & distant) past, especially in the ways they inform and enrich our present. In the future, Michelle would like to pursue nonfiction writing on topics involving science, history and social commentary.

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Cultural exchange disguised as teaching

Posted on May 28, 2012 by dkillam

Sydney, Michelle and Dan with the Standards III and IV students of Santa Cruz RC School

On Wednesday and Thursday of our first week in Toledo, we completed the service learning portion of our trip at Santa Cruz RC School, which educates the Mayan children of Santa Cruz village. With 109 students from ages 3-15, the school was ripe with opportunities for cultural exchange. Michelle and I spent the two days teaching Standards III and IV–effectively grades 4 and 5–with students ranging from 8-12 years old. Though the brief lessons we taught to them seem trivial, the eye-opening lessons we learned from  working with them will undoubtedly stay with us long after traveling home.

Before discussing the cultural intricacies of Santa Cruz, it’s important to note something else: many, if not most, of inherent childhood traits are evidently cross-cultural. The first thing you can expect of preteens in school anywhere is a short attention span and an impeccable sense of the exact moment mid-morning break should start (the classroom clock was nonfunctional, but they always knew). Next, you wouldn’t be wrong to recall that there’s always an identifiable group of troublemakers; not only did they catalyze restlessness amongst one another, but also egged on the rest of their classmates. Lastly, girls were more likely to be shy, especially around the boys, and when they did interact it was often in the form of teasing.

Beyond what can be expected of any adolescents are the specific cultural cues of the Santa Cruz students. The majority of them come from families of farmers, and when not in school they’re often working to help their parents. English is their second language–their first is any one of the multiple Mayan languages spoken in the area. They know a great deal about the surrounding Mayan ruins, including Uxbenka and Lubantuun, and are enthusiastic about their heritage–they expressed a desire to travel to more sites throughout the country. Lastly, and perhaps most significant to our visit, was the fascination the students had about us and where we come from–they were insatiably eager to learn about our families and see all of the pictures we could show them.

Over the course of two days, Michelle and I (with Dan’s much needed help) taught the students some basic lessons on geometry, grammar, and science. Dan also gave an impromptu lesson on religion when the teacher unexpectedly left the room after asking several questions to the students about morality. Most entertaining was the lesson we taught the students about the components of a story. At the end of day one, we split the students into groups and asked them to come up with their own stories, with easily identifiable characters, settings, and plots. One group affectionately wrote a story about Michelle and I getting lost in the woods and later being saved from a hungry tiger by the unfailingly brave Dan. On the morning of the second day, the students were tasked with acting out their stories to the rest of the class. Even the students who didn’t regularly show interest in learning were excited–we were certainly glad to have found an engaging way to teach them (and keep them under control).

Santa Cruz RC School has high ambitions

Alphine Avila has worked at Santa Cruz RC School for 4 years, and is currently serving her first year as principal (while also teaching Standards III and IV). She opened up to us and shared some interesting insights about the school, the students, and her personal experience as principal. The first thing Michelle and I learned from Alphine is that a sizable portion of the students aren’t as hard working as they need to be in order to do well–something she attributed to the fact that they don’t always receive adequate encouragement and support at home. This usually happens because the students’ parents are either too preoccupied with their own farm work, or feel that their child’s time would be better spent contributing to the family than to learning. Alphine admitted that because the students must often flip flop between school behavior and home behavior, it’s difficult to narrow their focus. She also shared with us that there’s been considerable resistance to her position as principal because of the reform she has recently tried bringing to the school. Among the things she mentioned were including more field trips, and cutting the sports program back slightly with hopes of improving the school’s standardized test scores, which have been low in previous years. Additionally, she often has to leave her own classroom during the school day to attend to problems with students in other classes. She hopes to return as principal next year but is unsure of her future with the school.

Overall, working at the school was a unique experience for all involved. We were able to learn about current Mayan culture and the Belize school system at the same time, and we hope to have imparted some memorable lessons to the students of Santa Cruz.

Sydney MacEwen, an LA native, is an upcoming Junior pursuing a BS in Environmental Studies and a minor in Geological Hazards. This is her first trip to Belize. She’s particularly interested in climate change and related policy. She hopes to pursue a Master of Arts in Environmental Studies following her undergraduate education.

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Place of Fallen Stones

Posted on May 25, 2012 by dkillam

Steps overlooking a main plaza at Lubaantun. Photo by Dan Killam.

Lubaantun were the first ruins that our group encountered and despite the long hot trek we had before this particular visit, we were all excited to finally witness the famous Mayan ruins. Due to the on and off light showers, the ground was exceptionally muddy, which made it a challenge to not slip and slide down the hill. The first thing I noticed about the site was that there was an unbelievably steep hill that we had to climb up. It looked almost impossible for us to come back down the same hill without slipping on the mud. Bruno, our German banker turned tour guide and all-around-expert on Belize mentioned that the center of the site is artificially elevated between two small rivers, which is an excellent military defense strategy. This might suggest that the ruins are evidence of some sort of Mayan military camp or fortress.

During the tour of the ruins, Bruno mentioned two things that made the site a unique location unlike the other ruins around the area. Firstly, the sight is infamous for being the location where Anna Mitchell-Hedges allegedly discovered a crystal skull. This has been long debated because of the lack of physical evidence as well as conflicting personal accounts of her father’s colleagues. Dr. Thomas Gann who is credited to be the first academic to investigate the site accompanied her father, F.A. Mitchell-Hedges. Besides the actual skull and the testimonies of both F.A. and Anna Mitchell-Hedges, there has been no other evidence to support their claims that the skull was actually found in Lubaantun. Additionally, there has been no reported tombs or even human sacrifices in the site; therefore, the presence of such an artifact is unlikely.

The name Lubaantun means ‘place of fallen stones’ in Mayan, which I believe describes the site’s physical appearance quite well. The site is believed to have been occupied during the Maya Classic era; however, it displays uncommon and unusual architecture for its location and time period. Lubaatun is known to have buildings that are built from large black slate blocks that are laid with little to no mortar.  Furthermore, several structures are evenly stacked like stairs until the finished building resembles a pyramid. It is impressive to see that some buildings have stood the test of time and are still standing despite the lack of mortar; however, the Belizean government have attempted the rehabilitation certain buildings by rebuilding them. Bruno pointed out which areas were original and which were rebuilt. I understand why the government would opt to rebuild such buildings because it would look more aesthetically pleasing to see a more complete and cohesive site; however, I believe that the government should work more towards preserving the site as it to stay true to its name as the ‘place of fallen stones’.
Above: interactive panorama of Lubaantun from Dan Killam’s 2011 trip to Belize

Britanny Cheng is an incoming junior at the University of Southern California where she is pursuing a degree in Environmental Studies. She attributes her love for the environment to her upbringing in the Philippines where she was exposed daily to ocean. This inspired her to become a certified advanced water diver where she specializes in night dives. In the future, she plans on hopefully research diving for a living whilst increasing awareness for the implementation of marine reserves in the Philippine waters.

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Lacustrine Time Machine Investigates the Duration of Mayan Civilization in Petén, Guatemala

Posted on May 25, 2012 by dkillam

Scientists have discovered a time machine that allows them to analyze records of environmental change to particular land areas subsequent to the duration of Mayan civilization. It’s not an actual device that physically transports them back in time but actually involves the recovery of sediment cores from lakes.

That’s right, the study of accumulated particulate matter helps scientists form a chronology behind the colonization and decline of the Mayan civilization hundreds of years ago. Though the timeline produced from these analyses may not be exact, the evidence proved that the Mayan population significantly impacted the environment they inhabited.

Location and detail of Lake Salpeten

Lake Salpetén, a small closed basin, located in Petén, Guatemala, the southern Maya lowlands, gives scientists access to sedimentation fit for analysis. According to an article entitled, “A 4000-Year Lacustrine Record of Environmental Change in the Southern Maya Lowlands, Pete ́n, Guatemala,” which was written by Michael F. Rosenmeier, David A. Hodell, Mark Brenner, and Jason H. Curtis, the recovery of composite sediment from Lake Salpetén in 2002 provided the first ever high-resolution record of environmental change in the lowlands. I found the human-induced changes to the lake sedimentation to be most interesting.

Certain geochemical variations in the sediment cores reflected the existence of the Mayan population. As the Mayans settled into Lake Salpetén’s area and expanded agriculture through deforestation, there was an increase in soil erosion. In the case of human-induced soil erosion, changes in land use, management and degradation can cause erosion. This movement of soils causes frequent changes in material transfers from the land to the lake as well as in watershed vegetation.

When soil is removed from the land it accumulates in low-lying areas like Lake Salpetén. The displaced soil consists of several different particles representing organic and inorganic matter. Organic matter includes those materials that are essential to soil processes (i.e. wood, seeds and charcoal). Inorganic matter includes particles such as sand, silt and clay. In particular, the presence of corn pollen suggested to researchers that Mayans populated the area because corn crops were important to the Mayan culture.

When there was more organic matter present than inorganic matter within the sedimentation, scientists concluded that there was a less dense population occupying the basin during that time, which was indicative of the fact that there was minimal human activity. On the other hand, when there was more inorganic matter present than organic matter within the sedimentation, scientists inferred that there was a more dense population inhabiting the basin around that time, which suggested to scientists that there was quite a bit of human activity.

Scientists then compared the recovery of these sediments to the already established archaeological prehistory of the region in order to create a chronology of the Mayans’ impact on the surrounding area of Lake Salpetén.

Oxygen isotope data from Rosenmeier et al's survey of the lake.

In addition to the analysis of physical properties within the sediment cores, scientists also considered the change in chemical properties such as the shifts in organic carbon concentrations. Organic carbon is simply any carbon that has come from living organisms such as trees, grass, or leaves. The amount of organic carbon concentration found in the sedimentation correlates to the potential amount of population inhabiting the basin. High amounts of organic carbon concentrations indicated the presence of fewer population numbers while low amounts suggested a boom in the Mayan civilization.

The study found that before the peak height of the Mayan civilization around 1700 B.C., there were high amounts of organic carbon concentrations. This was probably due to the fact that the Mayans were still in their initial stages of settlement. Scientists also took note of low amounts of organic carbon concentrations approximately between 900 B.C. and 850 A.D., which was a time when the Mayan population was reportedly in high numbers. During this particular time period, there was also a boost in human activities such as agriculture expansion and forest clearing, both of which led to the increase of soil erosion and of accumulated sedimentation in Lake Salpeten.

However, sometime around 850 A.D. marked the beginning of the fall of the Mayan civilization. As proof of this factor, the amount of organic carbon concentrations suddenly increased.  The reduction in anthropogenic activities and decline in Mayan population allowed the recovery of forests and stabilization of soils, which in turn, allowed for more organic carbon concentrations to gather in the sediment.

In relation to more recent years, evidence from the sediment cores implied a decrease in organic carbon concentrations. This finding correlates to the repopulation of the Mayans in the last 300 years. Thus, the commencement of agriculture expansion and deforestation as well as the influx of inorganic matter are in place yet again.

The ability of scientists to track the history of the Mayan civilization through analyzing composite sediment profiles is impressive. It not only demonstrates the power of today’s technology and intelligence but also of the earth’s capacity to preserve its own history. Though the study of sediment accumulation in Lake Salpetén was considerably successful, it is only because the conditions of this lake provided fairly pristine material. It would be difficult to perform such an examination on composite sediment taken from lakes in the United States, for example. This is because the bodies of water like the Great Lakes and the Mississippi river are not as well preserved as Lake Salpetén and are constantly disturbed by human activity and urbanization.

Source:

Rosenmeier, Michael F et al. “A 4000-Year Lacustrine Record of Environmental Change in the Southern Maya Lowlands, Petén, Guatemala.” Quaternary Research 57.2 (2002): 183-190.

Ticia Lee is a sophomore majoring in Public Relations and minoring in Environmental Studies. Upon graduation, she hopes to work for a company that effectively communicates environmental awareness to the general public. Being a city girl from San Francisco, Ticia enjoys spending time in the great outdoors as much as she can. This is her second time participating in one of USC Dornsife’s Problems Without Passport programs.

 

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Disease & Population Loss in Mesoamerica

Posted on May 25, 2012 by dkillam

Maya manuscript illustrating the symptoms of cocoliztli

As is widely known, the Mayan people saw a significant loss in population starting around AD 770. There is no conclusive evidence indicating one specific cause of this collapse; most likely, it was a combination of several contributing factors. Centuries later, Mesoamerica faced another widespread population decline in the 1500s. Again, it is nearly impossible to pinpoint what caused this occurrence. The data indicate that disease may have been a causative factor in the Maya collapse, though the identity of the disease itself is a mystery due to the lack of preserved human remains. However, data indicates that there were extended droughts occurring in the years leading up to both of these crashes in population. In addition, there is evidence that the sixteenth century population decline was caused primarily by a hemorrhagic fever that was likely associated with the drought. Because of the similarities between the long drought and following population decline, it is possible that an increase in disease similar to what was seen in 16th century Mesoamerica was also the cause of the collapse of the Mayan people.

The Maya were once a highly successful and advanced people with a number of large cities and an impressive population. They developed their culture over several thousand years leading up to their most prosperous years from AD 250 to 750, which is known as the Classic Period. Then, around AD 770, the Maya culture began to disintegrate; towns and cities were vacated, the production of fine art declined, and trade and construction decreased. The great city of Teotihuacan also fell during this time period, known as the Terminal Classic. Other large cities were soon deserted as well; this trend continued until almost all the major city centers were abandoned by AD 950. There is no evidence supporting any single explanation for this dramatic population loss. The severe decrease may have been caused by decline in agriculture, social or political issues, or natural causes such as drought to name a few. Whatever the cause, it is certain that the Maya civilization had collapsed.

Several hundred years later, the same region witnessed another significant loss in population. While there were, again, several possible factors influencing this decline, there is one explanation for a great majority of the deaths that occurred during the 1500s. A hemorrhagic fever, which was called Cocoliztli, ravaged through Mesoamerica. Two epidemics of Cocoliztli, occurring in 1545 and 1576 respectively, killed a total of 13 million people. The origins of this devastating disease remain unknown, but it is known that it worked quickly and effectively, as it was almost always fatal. Symptoms ranged from headache and fever to dementia, nodule formation, and bleeding from all orifices before eventual death. Interestingly, the more severe symptoms of Cocoliztli only affected the native inhabitants of Mesoamerica; it was this population that faced such high mortality. This deadly disease resulted in a population collapse that was comparable in severity to the occurrences of the Terminal Classic Period.

While there are obvious differences between the collapses during the Terminal Classic Period and the sixteenth century, both occurred during similar environmental conditions. Evidence indicates that during the years before both population declines, the region was facing a period of severe drought. As indicated by data from tree rings, a long drought happened from AD 700 to AD 900 that stretched as far north as the Southwestern United States. The tree ring data also revealed that there were some periods of rain during the drought. There were similar brief wet periods during the drought of the sixteenth century; these occurred around 1545 and 1576, which coincides with both of the Cocoliztli outbreaks. The deadly outbreaks seem to be a result of the conditions of a wet period occurring during a drought.

While there is no full explanation for either the Terminal Classic or sixteenth century population collapses, there is data to show that the drought conditions during both times were very similar. Both declines were set during long, severe droughts that were broken up by short, wet periods. The specific conditions that resulted in the Cocoliztli outbreaks in the sixteenth century were therefore also present during the collapse of the Maya. The repetition of these similar and unique conditions therefore seems to indicate the possibility of Cocoliztli outbreaks during the Terminal Classic Period, which may have contributed to the significant population decline. Given the millions of deaths that the fever outbreaks caused in a relatively short span, it does seem possible that Cocoliztli could have also caused the similarly rapid and severe loss of the Mayan people. Although we would need more sound evidence to be certain, an outbreak of the deadly Cocoliztli disease may provide an explanation for the collapse of the Mayan civilization.

Lindsey Estes is a junior from Federal Way, Washington. She is currently pursuing a B.A. in Environmental Studies with a minor in Political Science.

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Self-Inflicted Wounds

Posted on May 25, 2012 by dkillam

Joseph Tainter, anthropologist at Utah State University

In order to thoroughly understand societal collapse, it is important to explore the idea that, often times, the “nail in the coffin” for many societies is a bad decision, or collection of bad decisions, that the society itself makes. Joseph Tainter, an archaeologist, argues in his book The Collapse of Complex Societies, that believing any society willingly depletes its own natural resources requires the assumption that “these societies sit by and watch the encroaching weakness without taking corrective actions.” He goes on to point out that the inherent purpose of a governmental institution is to counter societal fluctuations that negatively impact productivity, and that it is “curious that they would collapse when faced with precisely those conditions they are equipped to circumvent.” It does not intuitively make sense that any society would intentionally sabotage its own success or well-being, perhaps because the pathways to poor decision-making are often convoluted and unclear. Naturally, no two societal collapses would mirror one another, both for cultural and geographical differences; there is no single answer as to why societies make decisions that undermine their own achievement and stability. In his book Collapse, Jared Diamond attempts to lay a general roadmap of the different circumstances that lead civilizations to disrupt previous prosperity.

The first group of disastrous decisions falls under the broad category of groups failing to anticipate a problem before it arrives. For instance, some societies may not be adequately prepared for extended drought or natural disasters such as hurricanes and floods. Several different causes are responsible for the failure to foresee an obstacle. First, and most simply, a society may not expect a problem because they have never dealt with the problem before. A society just developing its own agricultural systems has no clear understanding of sustainable farming practices, and conversely their own ability to cause, at least in the short-term, irreversible damage to agricultural land. Diamond notes that decisions under this category are particularly unfortunate because the actions are carried out intentionally (421), with the society completely ignorant of the consequences. Past experience with a problem, however, is not necessarily enough to prevent a society from committing devastating decisions: often times, the last occurrence of such a dilemma is so far in the past as to be forgotten. This is particularly troubling for non-literate societies with no written record of the cause and effect of a particular decision.

Jared Diamond

Even literate societies may make the same violations. Diamond references the United States’ forgotten recognition of gas guzzling vehicles in the 70’s (422), as we today utilize many fuel-inefficient vehicles (although rising gas prices are beginning to encourage a positive transition).  Converse to Tainter’s theory, inability to see a problem coming is one of the primary causes of poor decision making; it is also possible that once the consequences of an action do become apparent, the society may be unaware of how to combat it, especially having never done so before.

Next, Diamond identifies a form of decision-making governed by failure to perceive a problem that has actually arrived. One basic cause of bad decision-making, in this case, is that some problems have completely imperceptible origins or consequences. An example of this idea is soil erosion: often times, there are no visible indicators that soils are becoming nutrient-depleted, so people are not alerted to let the soil fallow in order to recover. Another less obvious example would be modern day global warming; although we have the technology to record minute changes in temperature, society as a whole seems minimally encouraged to lessen the actions responsible for anthropogenic climate change because small temperature changes, though significant to the environment, are nearly undetectable by humans. Another cause of failure to perceive an existent problem is when it is a very slowly changing trend, hidden by fluctuations believed to be naturally occurring, as with temperature change. This phenomenon is known as “creeping normalcy,” because the “baseline standard for what constitutes ‘normalcy’ shifts gradually and imperceptibly” (425). Similarly, another form of creeping normalcy is known as “landscape amnesia.” Landscape amnesia occurs when the appearance of the landscape changes dramatically over a considerable time period, usually multiple decades, and the past landscape is forgotten. This could have been especially problematic in the past when life spans were much shorter, because newer generations would have no record of past landscapes, and thus no understanding that past actions caused the landscapes to change.

Lastly, even once a problem has been perceived, some societies may make no attempt to solve it, for a multitude of possible reasons. Often times, these reasons come in the form of conflicting interests, or in the form of societies rationalizing their inaction in the face of a clear problem. One example, known as “the tragedy of the commons,” is a combination of both factors. The “tragedy of the commons” occurs when multiple parties share a common resource without any regulation about how much of the resource each party can exploit. This leads the individual parties to the mindset that whatever portion of the resource they do not harvest, another of the parties will, so there is no use in employing moderation; effectively, the “tragedy of the commons” is a rationalization for not exercising restraint. Another example of failure to resolve a present problem, an example especially relevant to the Maya, is when “interests of the decision-making elite in power clash with the interests of the rest of society” (430). The Maya kings were typically preoccupied with regional wars and erecting monuments to better their own reputations, leading to inaction about the woes of the commoners. Because of their high status, Maya rulers had little difficulty isolating themselves from the problems, thereby making them dismissible. Often times, religious or moral values are directly inhibitive to a society’s willingness to solve a problem. Diamond refers to the complete deforestation of Easter Island. Although an extremely disastrous decision, the people of Easter Island were religiously motivated to cut down the island’s trees “to obtain logs to transport and erect the giant stone statues,” (432) for which the past society is famous. Finally, failure to address serious problems can result from public opinion that previous warnings were false alarms, or from public dislike for the identifier of the problem.

Diamond makes it abundantly clear that there are endless numbers of pathways that allow or encourage societies to make choices that ultimately contribute to their own demise, whether or not they are aware of the potential consequences. No one reason can be assigned to all societal collapses, because the set of circumstances for each society are often completely unique. One thing important to recognize is that not all societies fail because of their decisions; some societies anticipate, perceive, and attempt to solve their problems, but fail for other reasons, including not having the capacity to solve the problem, not having the financial resources to solve the problem, or not having become aware of the problem soon enough to fix it. Additionally, not all disastrous decisions lead to failure, and not all societies collapse. The most important question to ask of societal collapse is if, and how, it is manifesting today. Are modern day people making some of the disastrous decisions laid out by Diamond that could eventually leave us obsolete? Only time may tell.

Sydney MacEwen, an LA native, is an upcoming Junior pursuing a BS in Environmental Studies and a minor in Geological Hazards. This is her first trip to Belize. She’s particularly interested in climate change and related policy. She hopes to pursue a Master of Arts in Environmental Studies following her undergraduate education.

 

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