{"id":2516,"date":"2024-08-14T15:05:00","date_gmt":"2024-08-14T15:05:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/dornsife.usc.edu\/wrigley\/?p=2516"},"modified":"2024-11-14T20:09:02","modified_gmt":"2024-11-14T20:09:02","slug":"petro-states-race-fossil-fuels-and-disaster-in-puerto-rico-and-diaspora","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/dornsife.usc.edu\/wrigley\/2024\/08\/14\/petro-states-race-fossil-fuels-and-disaster-in-puerto-rico-and-diaspora\/","title":{"rendered":"Petro-States: Race, Fossil Fuels, and Disaster in Puerto Rico and Diaspora"},"content":{"rendered":"\n\n\n\n\n  \n    \n\n\n\n\n\n\n<div\n  class=\"cc--component-container cc--article-hero \"\n\n  \n  \n  \n  \n  \n  \n  >\n  <div class=\"c--component c--article-hero\"\n    \n      >\n\n    \n<div class=\"inner-wrapper\">\n          \n<div class=\"f--field f--image\">\n\n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n              \n      <img\n                            data-src=\"https:\/\/dornsife.usc.edu\/wrigley\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/116\/2024\/08\/USC_WIES_Jaden_Morales_Summer_Graduate_Fellow_20240801_33-1-768x432.jpg\"\n          data-srcset=\"https:\/\/dornsife.usc.edu\/wrigley\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/116\/2024\/08\/USC_WIES_Jaden_Morales_Summer_Graduate_Fellow_20240801_33-1-1920x1080.jpg 1920w,https:\/\/dornsife.usc.edu\/wrigley\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/116\/2024\/08\/USC_WIES_Jaden_Morales_Summer_Graduate_Fellow_20240801_33-1-1280x720.jpg 1280w,https:\/\/dornsife.usc.edu\/wrigley\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/116\/2024\/08\/USC_WIES_Jaden_Morales_Summer_Graduate_Fellow_20240801_33-1-768x432.jpg 768w\"          data-sizes=\"(min-width:1200px) 75vw, (min-width:768px) 83vw, 100vw\"          class=\"lazyload\"\n        \n                  alt=\"Jaden Morales poses with an iPad that depics a comic reading \"death hangs over our community\"\"\n        \n        \n                                      \/>\n\n    \n    \n  \n  \n\n<\/div>\n  \n      <div class=\"image-caption\">\n          \n<div class=\"f--field f--description\">\n\n    \n  <p>2024 Wrigley Institute Graduate Fellow Jaden Morales, a PhD student in the USC Dornsife Department of American Studies and Ethnicity, studies the complex interplay between race, colonialism, and the fossil fuel industry in Puerto Rico and its diaspora. (Nick Neumann\/USC Wrigley Institute)<\/p>\n\n\n\n<\/div>\n    <\/div>\n  \n  <div class=\"text-wrapper\">\n    \n              \n<div class=\"f--field f--page-title\">\n\n    \n  <h1>Petro-States: Race, Fossil Fuels, and Disaster in Puerto Rico and Diaspora<\/h1>\n\n\n<\/div>\n    \n    \n          <strong class=\"author-field\"><span >By<\/span>Jaden Morales<\/strong>\n    \n          <span class=\"post-date-field\">August 14, 2024<\/span>\n      <\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n  <\/div><\/div>\n\n  \n    \n\n\n\n\n\n\n<div\n  class=\"cc--component-container cc--social-share \"\n\n  \n  \n  \n  \n  \n  \n  >\n  <div class=\"c--component c--social-share\"\n    \n      >\n\n    \n  <div class=\"content-wrapper\">\n    <span class=\"a2a_kit a2a_kit_size_32 addtoany_list\" style=\"line-height: 32px;\">\n      <span class=\"title\">\n        Share\n      <\/span>\n                        <a class=\"a2a_button_copy_link\" target=\"_blank\" href=\"\/#copy_link\" rel=\"nofollow noopener\" 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       <a class=\"a2a_button_email\" target=\"_blank\" href=\"\/#email\" rel=\"nofollow noopener\" title=\"E-mail\">\n            <span class=\"a2a_svg a2a_s__default a2a_s_print\">\n              <svg height=\"12\" viewBox=\"0 0 18 12\" width=\"18\" xmlns=\"http:\/\/www.w3.org\/2000\/svg\"><path d=\"m8.14285714 9.42857143c-.17142857 0-.34285714 0-.51428571.08571428l7.28571427 6.34285719c.3428572.2571428.6857143.2571428.9428572 0l7.2857142-6.34285719c-.0857142-.08571428-.2571428-.08571428-.4285714-.08571428zm-1.28571428 1.11428567v.1714286 8.5714286c0 .6857143.6 1.2857143 1.28571428 1.2857143h14.57142856c.6857143 0 1.2857143-.6 1.2857143-1.2857143v-8.5714286c0-.0857143 0-.0857143 0-.1714286l-7.2 6.3428572c-.7714286.6857143-1.8857143.6857143-2.6571429 0z\" fill-rule=\"evenodd\" transform=\"translate(-6 -9)\"\/><\/svg>\n            <\/span>\n            <span class=\"a2a_label visually-hidden\">Email<\/span>\n          <\/a>\n                  <\/span>\n  <\/div>\n\n  <\/div><\/div>\n \n\n\n\n  \n    \n\n\n\n\n\n\n<div\n  class=\"cc--component-container cc--rich-text \"\n\n  \n  \n  \n  \n  \n  \n  >\n  <div class=\"c--component c--rich-text\"\n    \n      >\n\n    \n      \n<div class=\"f--field f--wysiwyg\">\n\n    \n  <p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In the devastating aftermath of September 2017&#8217;s category-five hurricanes Mar\u00eda and Irma, Puerto Rico\u2019s antiquated energy infrastructure was left in total ruins. Although Puerto Rico Electric Power Authority (PREPA) electricians worked endlessly to restore power, and local communities launched their own renewable energy initiatives, the blackout lasted 11 months, <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/www.washingtonpost.com\/nation\/2023\/11\/28\/puerto-rico-power-outages-death-rates\/\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">serving as one of the longest and deadliest blackouts in history<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">.<\/span><\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<h2>Roadblocks to Renewable Energy<\/h2>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">While the destruction of Puerto Rico\u2019s energy grid galvanized discourse about the need for a transition toward more resilient and renewable electricity infrastructure, dependence on fossil fuels has since become further entrenched in the archipelago. In 2018, former governor Ricardo Rossello declared that PREPA, a state-owned electric company, would be denationalized and undergo total privatization. In June 2021, LUMA Energy, a joint subsidiary of Canada\u2019s ATCO Group and Texas\u2019 Quanta Services Inc., acquired control over the transmission and distribution of power. And in 2023, Genera PR, a subsidiary of New York\u2019s New Fortress Energy, began managing the archipelago\u2019s energy production. <\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The privatization of Puerto Rico\u2019s energy system failed to bring cheaper and more reliable service as promised. Instead, residents and small businesses pay nearly <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/www.eia.gov\/state\/print.php?sid=RQ\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">twice as much for electricity as the U.S. population<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> (despite a poverty rate \u201c<\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/centropr.hunter.cuny.edu\/reports\/pervasive-poverty-in-puerto-rico\/#:~:text=Puerto%20Rico's%20levels%20of%20poverty,%25)%20(see%20Appendix%20A).\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">three times as high as the 12. 6% of the U.S. population overall that lived below the poverty level<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u201d) and continue to experience power outages regularly. The <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/ieefa.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2020\/10\/Contract-with-LUMA-Energy-Sets-up-Full-Privatization_Higher-Rates_October-2020.pdf\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">contract<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> with LUMA gutted labor protections, including the influence of the <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/labornotes.org\/blogs\/2021\/10\/puerto-rican-electrical-workers-union-fights-privatization-islands-grid\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Puerto Rico Electric and Irrigation Industry Workers Union (UTIER<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">). Both LUMA and Genera PR now seek to expand natural gas production and usage, undermining the archipelago\u2019s goal of reaching 40% renewable energy sources by 2025, as outlined in the 2019 Puerto Rico Energy Policy Act.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u00a0<\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">A 2020 U.S. Department of Energy <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/www.nrel.gov\/docs\/fy21osti\/78756.pdf\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">study<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> found that Puerto Rico could hypothetically meet the entire archipelago\u2019s energy needs through rooftop solar panels. But in July 2024, the Financial Oversight and Management Board (FOMB), an unelected, U.S.-appointed committee with complete authority over Puerto Rico\u2019s finances and governance, <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/www.courtlistener.com\/docket\/68981264\/financial-oversight-and-management-board-for-puert-v-pierluisi-urrutia\/\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">sued<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Gov. Pedro Pierlusi to terminate the archipelago\u2019s net metering law. The law supports the use of rooftop solar panels for renewable energy generation by compensating residents for energy produced and fed into the grid by the panels on their homes. Together, <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/ieefa.org\/resources\/fomb-new-fortress-energy-threaten-puerto-rico-resident-efforts-install-life-saving\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">FOMB and New Fortress Energy aim to thwart Puerto Rican residents&#8217; struggle for vital solar power energy<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. <\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Puerto Rico remains far from realizing its renewable energy goals, with <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/www.eia.gov\/state\/print.php?sid=RQ\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">94% of its electricity still generated by fossil fuels.<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> And efforts to expand and democratize solar energy are increasingly threatened by the encroachment of private corporations, such as Tesla, hoping to profit off the renewable energy transition, and by \u201cclean\u201d technologies that are reliant on <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/www.npr.org\/sections\/goatsandsoda\/2023\/02\/01\/1152893248\/red-cobalt-congo-drc-mining-siddharth-kara\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">modern-day slavery<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> and <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/earth.org\/lithium-and-cobalt-mining\/\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">mineral extraction<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> in the Democratic Republic of Congo. The battle for sustainable and renewable energy in Puerto Rico is emblematic of a broader and long-standing environmental struggle against imperial and local elites\u2019 joint and, at times, conflicting efforts to seize and sell off the archipelago\u2019s human and ecological resources.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<h2>Uncovering the Links Between Race, Hydrocarbons, and Governance<\/h2>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Our climate crisis is often envisioned by the public as an unprecedented and contemporary phenomenon without historical antecedents. On the contrary, <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/www.versobooks.com\/blogs\/news\/3376-racial-capitalocene\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">our climate crisis is the consequence of centuries of unending colonial capitalist resource extraction, land dispossession, and racialized labor exploitation.<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> The rise of industrial empires and nation-states coincided with the emergence of fossil fuel energy and modern capitalism amidst the transition from slavery to \u2018free\u2019 labor. Accordingly, my dissertation seeks to challenge the perceived novelty of contemporary environmental degradation and energy colonialism to demonstrate how ecological destruction is the standard practice of colonial and imperial statecraft.<\/span><\/p>\n\n\n\n<\/div>\n\n\n  <\/div><\/div>\n\n\n  \n    \n\n\n\n\n\n\n<div\n  class=\"cc--component-container cc--article-quote \"\n\n  \n  \n  \n  \n  \n  \n  >\n  <div class=\"c--component c--article-quote\"\n    \n      >\n\n    \n<div class=\"quote-container\">\n  <svg height=\"29\" viewBox=\"0 0 36 29\" width=\"36\" xmlns=\"http:\/\/www.w3.org\/2000\/svg\"><path d=\"m19.7 28.6h16.2v-15.5h-6.7l6.7-13.1h-7.5l-8.7 14zm-19.7 0h16.3v-15.5h-6.8l6.8-13.1h-7.7l-8.6 14z\" fill=\"#fc0\"\/><\/svg>\n            \n<div class=\"f--field f--description\">\n\n    \n  <p>Our climate crisis is the consequence of centuries of unending colonial capitalist resource extraction, land dispossession, and racialized labor exploitation. <\/p>\n\n\n\n<\/div>\n  \n  <\/div>\n\n\n  <\/div><\/div>\n\n\n\n\n  \n    \n\n\n\n\n\n\n<div\n  class=\"cc--component-container cc--rich-text \"\n\n  \n  \n  \n  \n  \n  \n  >\n  <div class=\"c--component c--rich-text\"\n    \n      >\n\n    \n      \n<div class=\"f--field f--wysiwyg\">\n\n    \n  <p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Tracking U.S. and Puerto Rican state-building projects across the 20th century, I explore how imperial and colonial legal, economic, and political state architecture has been designed to expropriate and siphon the energy capacities of land and labor toward the global economy. Focusing on the development of energy infrastructures and the petrochemical industry in Puerto Rico, I examine how the production and management of race, gender, capital, and energy has facilitated the toxic dispossession of land and life in the archipelago and the diaspora. At the same time, I am also interested in exploring how everyday Puerto Ricans have engaged in fugitive techno-scientific and ecological knowledge and practices of survival to navigate intensifying environmental degradation, and how these forms of refusal re\/shape systems of power.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">With the financial support of the Wrigley Institute Graduate Fellowship, I have spent this summer analyzing an array of archival material\u2014government planning records, corporate newsletters, ecological reports, and community organizing ephemera\u2014from Archivo General de Puerto Rico and Fundaci\u00f3n Luis Mu\u00f1oz Mar\u00edn in San Juan, Puerto Rico, and from the Archives of the Puerto Rican Diaspora at Hunter College&#8217;s Center for Puerto Rican Studies in New York City. <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">These archives have helped me begin to explore the links between race, hydrocarbons, and governance in Puerto Rico to contextualize how and why Afro-Puerto Rican communities in the Southern coastal region of the archipelago are <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/nacla.org\/news\/2021\/07\/28\/environmental-racism-puerto-rico\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">disproportionately exposed to toxic pollution<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> from fossil fuel energy plants. <\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">During the mid-20<\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">th <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">century, Puerto Rico underwent Operaci\u00f3n Manos a la Obra (\u201cOperation Bootstrap\u201d), an extensive economic modernization program that swiftly transformed the economy from a rural, agriculture-based economy to an urban, industry-based economy centered on foreign investment. Throughout the state-sponsored industrialization program, Criollo elite\u2014wealthy descendants of white Spanish settlers and planters\u2014sought to represent Puerto Rico as a whitened nation, to demonstrate the archipelago\u2019s racial capacity for self-governance and present it as a beacon of progress and modernity.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Examining reports from the Economic Development Administration (EDA) and the Puerto Rican Industrial Development Company (PRIDCO),\u00a0 I learned how the state relied on the residue of sugar plantation infrastructure to inaugurate the petrochemical industry. For instance, bagasse, a waste byproduct of sugar refining, is a substrate of ethanol and was used to generate energy. <\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Additionally, I observed how the rhetoric of thermodynamics was wedded to the economic discourse of productivity and value creation. To craft an \u201cindustrial way of life,\u201d state planners sought to make the petrochemicals industry the \u201cnucleus\u201d that bonds all other industries in the archipelago. They argued that this industrial ecology could not be achieved \u201cby diffusing [their] energy all over the place\u201d but by \u201cconcentrat[ing] on a nucleus,\u201d whereby the waste products of the petrochemical industry would serve as the raw materials and finished products of another industry. <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Hence, the state concentrated oil refineries and petrochemical manufacturers along the Southern coast to generate low-cost electric power. The goal was to attract industries and cheap sources of petrochemical raw materials for the existing textile industry and future downstream, intermediate, and finished-goods industries, such as nylon, motor gasoline, plant fertilizer, and aromatics. <\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Built from and upon the ruins of sugar plantations, this petro-industrial complex\u2014an infrastructural circuit of petrochemical manufacturing, fossil fuel-based energy generation, and related downstream industries\u2014operated as a mode of toxic enclosure to expropriate and ruin Afro-Puerto Rican land and labor. Perceived as a site of surplus, idle labor and wasted land, the Southern coast was demarcated as a sacrifice zone. In this region, petrochemical industrial and hydrocarbon energy infrastructure rendered Afro-Puerto Ricans vulnerable to noxious chemicals to <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">fuel<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> the archipelago\u2019s industrial economy, the formation of criollo whiteness, and elites\u2019 speculative aspirations to bring the archipelago into whitened, neo\/liberal modernity.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<h2>Toward a Better Future: Youth and Legal Action<\/h2>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">My archival research has also shown how Puerto Rican youth organized against chemical-waste dumping in their communities in the United States. Following the 1973 Arab-Israeli War and the Organization of Arab Petroleum Exporting Countries&#8217; (OAPEC&#8217;s) oil embargo on the United States, Puerto Rico\u2019s petrochemical industry saw a rapid decline. A chapter of my dissertation traces the flows of petro-capital and industrial labor to the United States in the wake of these industries&#8217; downfalls. Oil corporations operating in the archipelago located refineries and waste facilities in diasporic Puerto Rican neighborhoods. <\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">But between the late 1970s and early 1990s, amidst a growing environmental justice movement that acknowledged the disproportionate impact of industrial pollution and contamination on working-class communities of color, U.S.-based Puerto Rican organizers took to the streets. One organization I have been studying is the grassroots youth activist collective The Toxic Avengers. Named after the 1984 superhero film, The Toxic Avengers began as an environmental science class for Puerto Rican and Latinx teenagers at El Puente Community Center in 1987 in Williamsburg, Brooklyn. At the time, the Greenpoint-Williamsburg neighborhood had a high concentration of manufacturing industries and served as a significant storage and distribution center for petrochemical products and natural gas. <\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Concerned with pollution and the environmental welfare of their neighborhood, The Toxic Avengers began to investigate Radiac Corporation, a radioactive waste facility that was storing and dumping lethal chemicals in a residential area, thus presenting extreme fire and health hazards. The investigation turned into a successful campaign that mobilized the community and forced the company to clean up the waste ground, ultimately garnering city- and nation-wide attention. <\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Along with the intersection of race and class, age was a critical lens through which The Toxic Avengers viewed their own environmental activism. They saw combatting \u201cadultism,\u201d the patterns of powerlessness adults assign to and instill within youth, as necessary to animating and empowering individuals to resist oppression and serve as stewards of their own ecological futures.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">More recently, Caribbean nations including Puerto Rico have pursued legal action to hold Big Oil accountable for the industry&#8217;s significant role in climate change. In November 2022, 37 municipalities in Puerto Rico filed the first multi-billion-dollar class-action RICO lawsuit against major oil corporations, alleging <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">joint collusion in a <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/climateintegrity.org\/cases\/municipalities-of-puerto-rico\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u201cfraudulent marketing scheme to convince consumers that their fossil fuel-based products did not\u2013and would not\u2013alter the climate, knowing full well the consequences of their combined carbon pollution on Puerto Rico.\u201d<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> And in July 2024, the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/www.theverge.com\/2024\/7\/16\/24199686\/puerto-rico-fossil-fuel-industry-lawsuit-climate-change\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">filed a $1 billion lawsuit<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> against the same oil corporations for deceiving Puerto Rican consumers about the environmental impact of fossil fuels, despite decades of industry knowledge around the detrimental consequences of greenhouse gas emissions on global warming and sea-level rises. <\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Both lawsuits seek financial compensation for hydrocarbon-fueled environmental disasters: the former aims to recuperate damages from hurricanes Maria and Irma, and the latter seeks to regain past costs from environmental recovery efforts and contribute to a fund for bolstering public infrastructure that could mitigate future environmental degradation<\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. What will come from these groundbreaking lawsuits, and how Puerto Rico\u2019s colonial condition will inevitably shape these cases, is to be determined.\u00a0<\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Nevertheless, in order to craft just and effective remedies to avert climate and ecological crises, it is necessary to confront the entangled histories of colonial racial capitalism and environmental disasters, particularly as communities of color across the Global North and South are rendered most vulnerable to its devastating effects. <\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">I am thankful to the Wrigley Institute Graduate Fellowship for supporting my professional development and intellectual endeavors. It has been an incredibly generative opportunity to form connections with the budding scholars across the humanities and sciences, as well as practitioners in journalism, curatorship, and policymaking who are dedicated to sustainability and climate justice. Mitigating our climate crisis and realizing alternative solutions to the present order of things requires such a concerted and coalitional effort.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><em>Jaden Morales is supported by the USC Dornsife Wrigley Institute Graduate Fellowship.<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Read their op-ed on North American Congress on Latin America (NACLA): <a href=\"https:\/\/nacla.org\/struggle-energy-sovereignty-puerto-ricos-gubernatorial-elections\">The Struggle for Energy Sovereignty in Puerto Rico\u2019s Gubernatorial Elections<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n<\/div>\n\n\n  <\/div><\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"","protected":false},"author":617,"featured_media":2519,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[41],"tags":[13,12],"class_list":["post-2516","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-research","tag-fellowship","tag-graduate"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO plugin v27.1.1 - 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