{"id":695,"date":"2025-11-21T09:42:31","date_gmt":"2025-11-21T17:42:31","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/dornsife.usc.edu\/scribe\/?p=695"},"modified":"2025-11-21T09:42:33","modified_gmt":"2025-11-21T17:42:33","slug":"the-ballgame-a-language-of-mesoamerican-society","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/dornsife.usc.edu\/scribe\/2025\/11\/21\/the-ballgame-a-language-of-mesoamerican-society\/","title":{"rendered":"The Ballgame: A Language of Mesoamerican Society"},"content":{"rendered":"\n\n\n\n\n \n \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n
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The Ballgame: A Language of Mesoamerican Society<\/h1>\n\n\n<\/div>\n \n \n By<\/span>Nicolas Neal<\/strong>\n \n November 21, 2025<\/span>\n <\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n <\/div><\/div>\n\n \n \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n
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In this era of understanding Mesoamerica, the ballgame and its associated courts
\ncaptivate interest like no other. The game required a heavy rubber ball crafted from Castilla
\nElastica trees and an open space. Formal ballcourts were eventually deemed a necessity due to
\nthe significance of the ritual in the broader Mesoamerican society. It should be noted that while
\nthe rubber trees were predominantly found in Mayan lowlands, there were also clusters in the
\nMayan highlands alongside extremely early versions of the ballgame and ballcourts. This fact is
\nevidence of the universality of the game since its inception. The rules of the game require the
\nplayers to use their hips to pass the ball back and forth to keep it off the ground. It can be
\ndescribed as being similar to tennis, but with the use of appendages instead of rackets. The rules
\nalso granted an automatic win when a competitor passed the ball through a wooden hoop that
\nwas connected to the court. The history of the ballgame spans from the late Archaic Period to
\nSpain&#39;s encroachment. Originally, it was used as a tool for village-scale political organization.
\nThe ritual became known as a secular game as time went on. This essay argues that, through
\nthese periods, the emphases depicted in ballcourt activities\u2014whether political, ritualistic, or
\nsecular\u2014directly reflect the broader Mesoamerican society. As maintained by Scarborough and
\nWilcox in their book The Mesoamerican Ballgame, the ballgame operated at \u201cthe recreational
\nlevel of \u2018shallow play\u2019, the social status-role level, and the ideational level\u201d (Scarborough and
\nWilcox 1991). Thus, the essay will examine eras that predominantly exemplify each facet: the
\nLate Archaic to Late Formative periods for political or \u201csocial status role building,\u201d the Classic
\nperiod for ritual or \u201cideation level,\u201d and the Post-classic and Colonial periods for secularization or \u201cshallow play\u201d. This analysis will further demonstrate what the ballgame communicates about
\nMesoamerican conditions during these times.<\/p>\n

The foundation of the ballgame is a highly theorized topic. There are many hypotheses
\nabout its origins and the conditions that surrounded its creation; none of which are concrete.
\nAccording to John Gerard Fox\u2019s Playing with Power: Ballcourts and Political Ritual in Southern
\nMesoamerica, the ballgame\u2019s foundation lay in community creation. To contextualize, the Late
\nArchaic era saw the rise of sedentism, settlement establishment, and agricultural dependence.
\nMaize, along with the other crops that encompassed the \u201cthree sisters,\u201d had just begun to become
\nfood staples, and permanent communities were still a novel concept. In terms of social and
\npolitical conditions, egalitarianism was emphasized in villages during the Late Archaic period
\nwhere economic disparities could exist, but were not as determinant in society as they would
\nbecome later. Fox further comments on the conditions surrounding one legend of the ballgame\u2019s
\nsignificance. According to Fox, the Native chronicler, Ixtlilochitl, \u201ctells us that Topiltzin, the
\nruler of Tula, proposed to his three rivals that the four of them rule his realm together and
\npresented them with a model of a ballcourt made of four kinds of precious stone\u201d (Fox 1996).
\nThis highlights the ballgame\u2019s use as an equalizing space, enduring from the late Archaic period
\nto Topiltzin\u2019s reign in the Classic Period.<\/p>\n

Referring to Scarborough and Wilcox, the ballgame was utilized as a unit of
\ncentralization. For civilization building, this provided a perfect foundation of political thought,
\nwhere stratified politics could foster a conducive polity. They say, \u201cPolitical centralization is
\ntherefore a characteristic of human organization which is variably manifested at different system
\nscales\u201d (Scarborough and Wilcox 1991). The idea of political reflection being transposed into the
\nballgame and court\u2019s creation is verifiable. Jeffrey P. Blomster and Victor E. Salazar Ch\u00e1vez\u2019s examination of early ballcourts in Etlatongo, Mexico, reflects this. They illustrate the evolution
\nof ballcourts from simple alleys between mounds, as seen in Paso del la Amada and Chiapas, to
\nthe fully distinguished, I-shaped ballcourt of Capulac Concepci\u00f3n, Puebla, which was
\nconstructed in the Middle to Late Formative period (Blomster and Salazar Ch\u00e1vez 2020).<\/p>\n

The transition from the Late Archaic to the Formative Period marked the beginning of
\nsignificant social stratification. Culture, status (both ascribed and hierarchical), and power gained
\nnew importance within the growing complexity of civilizations, positioning Mesoamerica to
\nembrace the ballgame. Etlatongo\u2019s ballcourt exemplifies this well. There is evidence of
\nintentional efforts to manipulate and cultivate land to create alleys, similar to the alley courts of
\nthe Late Archaic and Early Formative periods. There is also evidence for interregional contact.
\nThis comes from Etlatongo\u2019s unique perspective as a highland ballcourt. It is significant because
\nit challenges a leading hypothesis that the ballgame originated solely in the lowlands before
\nspreading to the highlands. Blomster and Salazar Ch\u00e1vez suggest that, with additional Elastica
\ntrees in the highlands, there is sufficient proof for multiple ballgames being synthesized into a
\nfinal game. The ballcourt during this period in Mesoamerica reflected the Late Archaic and
\nFormative eras&#39; roles as foundational for all civilization-building aspirations. With the rise of
\nstandardized ballcourts and ballgame rules throughout the highlands and lowlands, conditions for
\nlater empires were set.<\/p>\n

Rituals and their importance in relation to the ballgame have varied greatly in
\nMesoamerican history, but remain its most prolific topic. From the inclusion of figurines at
\nfoundational courts like Etlatongo to its peak as an intricate religious cult, the ballcourt
\ndeveloped a ritual culture that included dedications, interments, and sacrifices. It can be argued
\nthat the Classic period represents the peak of religious observance in Mesoamerican society, as evidenced by the ritual complexity of the ballgame during this period. This period was the first
\nera in which the ballgame was almost universally adopted across Mesoamerica, with few
\nexceptions. An early thesis on the source of ritual importance comes from Marvin Cohodas\u2019
\nwork The Symbolism Function of the Middle Classic Ballgame in Mesoamerica, who suggests
\nthat a synthesis occurred between a ballgame cult and other Mesoamerican cults to create a
\nmartial cult that would then \u201cdominate Mesoamerican religious activity from around A.D. 700
\nuntil the conquest\u201d (Cohodas 1975). To understand the significance of such a ritual, we must
\nconsider the conditions of the Classic period that ensured the success of the religious cult. The
\nClassic and Postclassic periods had societal contexts that showed a much more cohesive society-
\nbuilding and solidification. While political power and facilitation were always facets of
\nMesoamerican society, securing strength through militarism at the scale of civilizations like the
\nTeotihuacan provided the means to install political regimes and empires on a widespread scale.
\nFurther evidence comes from Cohodas\u2019 argument that the ballgame entered a period of secularity
\nduring political exchanges between regimes before returning to prominence during the rise of the
\nAztec Empire.<\/p>\n

Cohodas summarizes multiple theories for the ballgame\u2019s importance and meaning.
\nAccording to Zuckerberg, the ballgame represents the symbolic battle between light, dark, day,
\nand night. Knauth also relates to night themes, but instead associated the ball with the moon
\ngoddess and decapitation rites linked to agricultural fertility. The ballgame also symbolized
\nsacrifice for agricultural means, as playing the game was believed to power the sun&#39;s rising.
\nPasztory proposed a similar battle between the underworld and earth and agriculture. Cohodas
\npresents all these theories but argues that they complement each other. Some external factors
\nwith ritual importance include the solstices or\u2014as contended by Mary Ellen Miller\u2014\u201cthe movement of heavenly bodies\u201d (Miller 1989). The underworld theory is theoretically sound, as
\nevidenced by Popol Vuh\u2019s narrative. The Hero Twins use the ballgame as one of many means to
\nbest the deities. Despite being officially written down during the colonial era, the underworld
\ntheory culminates generations of ritual thought. This leads to further arguments surrounding the
\nimportance of the ballgame as a vehicle for religious thought. The ballgame and the ballcourt
\nwere intermediaries by which mortals could communicate freely with the world beyond.<\/p>\n

Orchestrating the conditions for playing the ballgame was more important than the act of
\nplaying itself. This is evident in the concept of ballcourt dedication, which manifested in various
\nways. For example, in the Popol Vuh, ballcourts are given names. One such ballcourt, where One
\nHunahpu and Seven Hunahpu played, is called Honor and Respect. It is related to the death gods
\nknown as the Lords of Xibalba. Another ballcourt is named Fish and Ashes, a reference to \u201cthe
\nKekchi-Maya town now known as San Pedro Carch\u00e1\u201d (Christenson 2007). This region was
\nreputed to be a geographic entrance to the underworld, with the ballcourt likely serving as the
\nepicenter.<\/p>\n

Further dedications were represented in the extensive monument culture of many late
\nFormative and Classic period ballcourts, though figurines have been found in ballcourts dating
\nback to the late Archaic period. John Gerard Fox states, \u201cThe dedication of ballcourts through
\nthe internment of caches and burials transformed these structures into sacred and social places\u201d
\n(Fox 1996). An analysis of the ballcourts shows them as a site for sacrifices and internments,
\nwith caches often containing very precious goods. Archeological digs have revealed interments
\nat the Tikal Triple Ballcourt and other courts, most notably in the Mayan highlands.<\/p>\n

Cohodas further argues that the three walls that comprised the ballcourt had a directional
\nsignificance based on cardinal directions. A north wall represented the night, summer solstice, or the underworld, a south wall represented the day or winter solstice. A west wall represented the
\nsunset, the vernal equinox, or the surface of earth, and an east wall signified sunrise, the
\nautumnal equinox, or another representation of the earth\u2019s surface. Cohodas maintains that
\nhaving two walls representing the surface of the earth strengthens the religious significance
\nrather than diminishing it. Classic period ballcourts with three walls never utilized both east and
\nwest, which I will call \u201cterrestrial faces\u201d. Instead, they often constructed north and south faces
\n(\u201cspiritual faces\u201d) accompanied by one of the terrestrial faces (Cohodas 1975). As ritual
\ncontainers, the ballcourts were also sites for other sports and ritual feasts. Some ceramics depict
\nmore ballgame play on stairwells than at ballcourts, leading me to synthesize both Cohodas\u2019 and
\nFox&#39;s views that ballcourts were often ceremonial spaces and placeholders for social and
\nreligious thought, rather than just being used for actual games.<\/p>\n

In terms of monument culture, I would like to delve further into what John Gerard Fox
\nterms \u201cballgame paraphernalia,\u201d which included rubber balls, game equipment, and other
\nprecious trinkets. Returning to the earlier example of Topiltzin facilitating the ballcourt model
\nwith three other rulers, the model famously uses caches of precious stones at each corner to
\nrepresent each ruler. This tale represents a prevalent trend later in the Classic period of elites
\nutilizing their funds to make grand ritual gestures. Ritual meals on the ballcourts were facilitated
\nby the elites to both boast their wealth and show their devotion to the gods. Facilitating these
\nfeasts alongside the abundance of interred caches as a \u201critual meal\u201d for the Ballcourts made it so
\nthe deities would benevolently preside over the game as it transpired.<\/p>\n

The figurines reveal regional differences and how universal the ritual of the ballgame
\nbecame through Mesoamerica. Blomster and Salazar Ch\u00e1vez summarize this with Olmec-style
\nplayers sporting thick padded belts, yokes, loincloths, and round pendants, while Central Mexican players wore suspenders of cross bands (Blomster and Salazar Ch\u00e1vez 2020). Mary
\nEllen Miller also examines other trinkets that held ritual importance: courts were often adorned
\nwith vast murals depicting gods, and some players even wore the heads of sacrificial victims
\nwhile they played (Miller 1989). Mural usage was further discussed by Mar\u00eda Teresa Uriarte in
\nher piece The Teotihuacan Ballgame and the Beginning of Time, where she discusses the
\ndepicted glyphs on each wall. Her interpretation of these glyphs is \u201cthe city as a concept, Tollan,
\nthe Celestial Jerusalem\u201d (Uriarte 2006). While the city was important to the ballgame cult and
\nMesoamerican religion, the act of funding these murals likely fell directly on the boasting elites.
\nThis rise in competition between the elites began the trend of attaching monetary value to the
\nballgame, leading to its secularization.<\/p>\n

\u201cShallow play,\u201d or the recreational use of the ballcourts for ballgame play, was most
\ncommon in the early stages of its conception and during the colonial period, as the ritual became
\nless associated with the game itself. The implication of elites utilizing the ritual to advance
\nthemselves politically is a \u201cspirited betting culture\u201d among all classes (Scarborough and Wilcox
\n1991). Scarborough and Wilcox state, \u201cThe rubber-ball game also functioned at the level of
\n\u2018status gambling\u2019 and alliance maintenance. It brought opposing groups together to vie for social
\nand political status\u201d (Scarborough and Wilcox 1991). These were the stakes and conditions for
\nelites who attended the games. For the lower classes who flocked to the events, gambling had an
\n\u201cimmediate though less consequential economic effect,\u201d likely involving the circulation of
\nmoney and goods among the more modest populations. Miller concurs with this assessment,
\nsaying, \u201cSpectators wagered their finely woven mantles, with loser fleeing the courts, leaving a
\ntrail of garments behind them\u201d (Miller 1989). By the Postclassic period, the collapse of the
\nTeotihuacan empire created a political vacuum. With no centralized power, the universal standardization of the Classic period, which was translated into ritual importance, was lost in this
\nperiod of political transition. Cohodas previously argued that transitional periods, particularly
\nleading to the rise of the Aztec Empire, often resembled more secular ballgame conditions. It is
\nimportant to note the consistent presence of secularity even at the height of the Aztec Empire,
\nsuggesting that the Teotihuacan and other Classic Period regimes may have had a stronger
\ncultural impact than the Aztecs, who prioritized militarism.<\/p>\n

The Spaniards observed this game with disgust, ultimately crushing it and ending its
\nthousands of years of history. The ballgame\u2019s tragic end is the best representation of the
\nwidespread erasure of Mesoamerican culture in the face of the Christian colonial model. Today,
\nthe ballgame is perceived more as a topic of study than a recreational game or act of worship.
\nNew ballcourts and findings are being assessed daily, bringing experts closer to deciphering the
\nmysteries of the ballgame. An interesting development in recent years has been the restoration
\nand reenactment of the ballgame with Native people adorning traditional game wear and playing
\non a recreational level. Will this effort eventually bring the ballgame to its former glory among
\nthe greater Mesoamerican community? No, but instead of lamenting what is lost, we must
\nappreciate and embrace the ballgame and ballcourts for what they are: a fantastic representation
\nof Mesoamerican ritual, political, and cultural life.<\/p>\n

References Cited<\/p>\n

Blomster, Jeffrey P., Victor E. Salazar Ch\u00e1vez. 2020. Origins of the Mesoamerican Ballgame:
\nEarliest Ballcourt from the Highlands Found at Etlatongo, Oaxaca. Science Advances
\nChristenson, Allen J. 2007. Popol Vuh: Sacred Book of the Quich\u00e9 Maya People. University of
\nOklahoma Press<\/p>\n

Cohodas, Marvin. 1975. The Symbolism and Ritual Function of the Middle Classic Ball Game in
\nMesoamerica. American Indian Quarterly 2: pp. 99-130.
\nFox, John Gerard.1996. Playing with Power: Ballcourts and political ritual in Southern
\nMesoamerica. Current Anthropology 37: pp. 483-509
\nMiller, Mary Ellen. 1989. The Ballgame. Record of the Art Museum, Princeton University 48:
\npp. 22-31
\nScarborough, Vernon L., Wilcox, David R. 1991. The Mesoamerican Ballgame, University of
\nArizona Press
\nUriarte, Mar\u00eda T. 2006. The Teotihuacan Ballgame and the Beginning of Time, Cambridge
\nUniversity Press, Ancient Mesoamerica 17: pp. 17-38.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<\/div>\n\n\n <\/div><\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"","protected":false},"author":1036,"featured_media":696,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[32],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-695","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-articles"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nThe Ballgame: A Language of Mesoamerican Society<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/dornsife.usc.edu\/scribe\/2025\/11\/21\/the-ballgame-a-language-of-mesoamerican-society\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"The Ballgame: A Language of Mesoamerican Society - 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