{"id":12141,"date":"2020-11-13T13:22:00","date_gmt":"2020-11-13T21:22:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/live-usc-dornsife.pantheonsite.io\/eri\/?p=12141"},"modified":"2023-07-17T09:30:26","modified_gmt":"2023-07-17T16:30:26","slug":"book-post-essential-and-excluded","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/dornsife.usc.edu\/eri\/2020\/11\/13\/book-post-essential-and-excluded\/","title":{"rendered":"Book post: Essential and Excluded: The Paradox of Assimilation in the United States"},"content":{"rendered":"\n\n\n\n\n \n \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n
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Book post: Essential and Excluded: The Paradox of Assimilation in the United States<\/h1>\n\n\n<\/div>\n \n \n By<\/span>Catherine S. Ram\u00edrez, Professor of Latin American and Latino Studies at the University of California, Santa Cruz<\/strong>\n \n November 13, 2020<\/span>\n <\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n <\/div><\/div>\n\n \n \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n
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During their first presidential debate, Democratic nominee Hillary Clinton accused Donald Trump of not paying federal income taxes. Her Republican opponent, she averred, paid \u201czero for troops\u2026vets\u2026schools or health.\u201d Rather than deny this charge, Trump boasted, \u201cThat makes me smart.\u201d<\/a> Four years later, on September 27, 2020, the New York Times<\/i> reported that he paid no income taxes for ten years and only $750 in federal income taxes in 2016 and $750 in 2017<\/a>.<\/p>\n

While Trump has bragged about not paying taxes, immigrants and their advocates have stressed immigrants\u2019 contributions to the United States. We\u2019re reminded that immigrants pay billions of dollars in taxes annually<\/a> and fill jobs that most US citizens don\u2019t want<\/a>. The current public health debacle has underscored that immigrant workers are disproportionately represented<\/a> in \u201ccritical infrastructure\u201d<\/a> industries, such as health care<\/a> and agriculture<\/a>.<\/p>\n

In my home state of California, farmworkers, many, if not most, of whom are undocumented<\/a>, continue to harvest crops, despite the ongoing pandemic and the hottest summer and largest wildfire season on record. Every pyramid of apples and oranges I encounter at the market is more than a testament to their labor; it\u2019s also a reassuring sign of normalcy during a moment of overlapping crises.<\/p>\n

On March 27, 2020, the $2 trillion Coronavirus Aid, Relief, and Economic Security (CARES) Act<\/a> was signed into law. The largest relief package in US history, the CARES Act distributed $1200 cash grants to tens of millions of Americans<\/a>. For the first time ever, it expanded jobless aid to independent contractors. However, the CARES Act excluded many immigrants<\/a>, particularly the undocumented and their US-citizen and legal permanent resident relatives, even if they were essential workers. In the United States, it\u2019s possible to be essential and excluded at the same time.<\/p>\n

My book, Assimilation: An Alternative History<\/i><\/a><\/strong>, reckons with this paradox. Rather than approach assimilation as a process of blending in or becoming more alike, I show that it\u2019s a relational process whereby the boundary between unequal groups and between inside and outside blurs, disap\u00adpears, or, paradoxically, is reinforced. I study how social groups that aren\u2019t immigrants in the United States, such as Indigenous Americans, Puerto Ricans, US-born Japanese Americans, and enslaved Africans and their US-born descendants, and groups that aren\u2019t recognized as real or legitimate immigrants\u2014namely, the undocumented\u2014have been assimilated as racialized and subordinate sub\u00adjects.<\/p>\n

One way I bring assimilation\u2019s history as a process of differential inclusion into relief is by looking at probationary citizenship. Probationary citizens are people whom the dominant society considers outsiders and who must show that they merit acceptance by fulfilling a series of conditions. To prove their worthiness for inclusion, probationary citizens need to demonstrate that they\u2019ve adopted the dominant culture\u2019s mores and customs.<\/p>\n

Put another way, they must acculturate. What\u2019s more, they\u2019re expected to contribute to society, especially to the market. Above all, probationary citizens must demonstrate that they aren\u2019t and won\u2019t become a burden to society. In the United States, jumping through these sorts of hoops has been part of the assimilation process for people of color, natives and newcomers alike.<\/p>\n

For example, if Native Americans wanted to be US citizens prior to 1924, they had to live \u201cseparate and apart from any tribe of Indians,\u201d<\/a> take up \u201cthe habits of civilized life,\u201d<\/a> and show that they were \u201ccompetent and capable of managing [their] affairs\u201d<\/a> over a period of 25 years. It\u2019s not clear how many earned US citizenship after their 25-year trial. However, by the time Congress passed the Indian Citizenship Act<\/a> in 1924, 125,000 Native Americans<\/a> (out of an estimated total population of 300,000) still weren\u2019t US citizens.<\/p>\n

Today\u2019s probationary citizens include participants in Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA). Established by executive order<\/a> in 2012, DACA is a program that grants certain undocumented immigrants a temporary stay of deportation and temporary permission to work. DACA doesn\u2019t lead to citizenship or legal permanent residence. In addition to meeting \u201cseveral guidelines,\u201d<\/a> DACA participants must renew their status every year<\/a> for a fee of $495. Temporary, expensive, revocable, and under constant fire by the Trump administration, DACA formalizes its participants\u2019 marginalization and crystallizes the paradox of assimilation.<\/p>\n

Supporters of DACA and its abortive predecessor, the Development, Relief and Education for Alien Minors (DREAM) Act, have emphasized young, undocumented immigrants\u2019 deservingness for inclusion in the United States. This has been a well-meaning, albeit unsuccessful strategy for reforming immigration policy. Arguments for incorporating the undocumented that hinge on deservingness haven\u2019t passed the DREAM Act. Instead, they\u2019ve further distinguished the putatively deserving from those deemed less deserving or undeserving.<\/p>\n

Recent and proposed reforms to US immigration policy show that the Trump administration also deploys the logic of deservingness. For example, the wealth test<\/a>, which went into effect on February 24, 2020, requires prospective legal permanent residents to demonstrate that they\u2019re \u201cself-sufficient,\u00a0i.e.,<\/i>\u00a0do not depend on public resources to meet their needs, but rather rely on their own capabilities, as well as the resources of family members, sponsors, and private organizations.\u201d<\/a> Training its sights on those sponsors, the Affidavit of Support on Behalf of Immigrants seeks to harden \u201cthe enforcement mechanism\u2026so that sponsors and household members who agree to use their income and assets to support the sponsored immigrant are held accountable if the sponsored immigrant ultimately receives means-tested public benefits.\u201d<\/a> The Affidavit was proposed on October 2, 2020. US Citizenship and Immigration Services claims it will \u201cmore effectively protect American taxpayers.\u201d<\/a><\/p>\n

Imagine, for a moment, if an immigrant publicly boasted about not paying taxes. While Trump\u2019s hypocrisy enrages me, the wealth test and Affidavit point to the danger of basing immigration policy on the notion of deservingness. President-elect Joe Biden has vowed to reverse the wealth test<\/a>. His new administration offers the opportunity to build an immigration system that\u2019s both humane and practical.<\/p>\n

Rather than ask, Who contributes to society<\/i>, we can begin by asking, Who\u2019s expected to contribute? Whose contribution is deemed valuable or legitimate? And whose contribution is essential?<\/i><\/p>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n<\/div>\n\n\n <\/div><\/div>\n\n\n\n\n \n \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n

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About the author:<\/strong><\/p>\n

Catherine S. Ram\u00edrez, Professor of\u00a0Latin American and Latino Studies<\/a>\u00a0at the University of California, Santa Cruz, is a scholar of migration, citizenship, race, and gender; Mexican American history; Latinx literature and visual culture; and speculative fiction. She is the author of\u00a0Assimilation: An Alternative History<\/a><\/em>\u00a0(University of California Press, 2020),\u00a0The Woman in the Zoot Suit: Gender, Nationalism, and the Cultural Politics of Memory<\/a><\/em>\u00a0(Duke University Press, 2009), and several essays on science fiction, race, gender, and futurity. She is also a co-editor of\u00a0Precarity and Belonging: Labor, Migration, and Noncitizenship<\/a><\/em>\u00a0(forthcoming from Rutgers University Press in 2021).<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/p>\n

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\u00a9 2020. This work is licensed under a CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 license<\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<\/div>\n\n\n <\/div><\/div>\n\n\n\n \n \n \n \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n

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